期刊简介

《国际政治经济学评论》（Review of International Political Economy）是一份涵盖国际政治经济学研究的双月刊同行评审学术期刊。其成立于1999年，由Routledge出版。本刊是国际政治经济学领域的主流期刊之一，与《新政治经济学》（New Political Economy）并列。2024年期刊影响因子为4.659。本期刊鼓励跨学科、全球化的研究方法，涵盖各个议题和研究领域。本期刊致力于成为政治经济学家、国际关系学者、地理学家和社会学家的交流平台，并致力于发表探讨国际贸易与金融、生产与消费、全球治理与监管等议题，以及文化、身份认同、性别和生态等议题的论文。

目录

1

外部脆弱性的蜕变：从“原罪”到“原罪重现”——新兴经济体中的货币等级与金融全球化

The metamorphosis of external vulnerability from ‘original sin’ to ‘original sin redux’: currency hierarchy and financial globalization in emerging economies

2

南锥体的发展、民主与依附性：政治联盟、稳定机制及其风险

Development, democracy, and dependence in the Southern Cone: political coalitions, stabilizing mechanisms, and their hazards

3

非正式司法规范能否抵御政治压力？

Can informal judicial norms protect against political pressure?

4

航空业例外主义、化石燃料与国家

Aviation exceptionalism, fossil fuels and the state

5

企业帝国的建立与维护：外商直接投资的政治经济学（附录）

Making and maintaining corporate empires: the political economy of FDI, appende

6

国际赔偿的悖论

The paradox of international reparations

7

成功故事还是虚言？冰岛的话语合作与经济重构

Success story or tall tale? Discursive cooperation and economic restructuring in Iceland

8

美元化经济体的资本流动政治：厄瓜多尔与萨尔瓦多的比较

The politics of capital mobility in dollarized economies: comparing Ecuador and El Salvador

9

全球经济影响力与国内政权支持：来自中国的实证

Global economic influence and domestic regime support: evidence from China

内容摘要

外部脆弱性的蜕变：从“原罪”到“原罪重现”——新兴经济体中的货币等级与金融全球化

题目：The metamorphosis of external vulnerability from ‘original sin’ to ‘original sin redux’: currency hierarchy and financial globalization in emerging economies

作者：Luiz Fernando de Paula，巴西里约热内卢联邦大学和里约热内卢州立大学经济学教授，巴西利亚国家科学技术发展委员会和巴西里约热内卢州支持研究基金会研究员；Barbara Fritz，德国柏林自由大学拉丁美洲研究所和商学院经济学教授；Daniela Prates，瑞士日内瓦联合国贸易和发展会议高级经济事务官员。

摘要：金融全球化如何改变了新兴经济体外部脆弱性的性质？为了回答这一问题，作者首先概述了自20世纪70年代以来至新冠疫情危机期间，涉及新兴经济体的国际资本流动和跨境资产负债存量的变化，随后识别了金融全球化中的若干近期转变。本文将“货币等级制”这一概念调整并应用于当前金融全球化的最新特征，并采用程式化的资产负债表分析方法，以更好理解这些经济体外部脆弱性的演变过程。研究发现，在金融国际化初期，新兴经济体广泛存在“原罪”现象；而在最近一轮金融全球化中，金融流动和投资者的多元化、以及以本币计价证券的增加，反而形成了新的脆弱性渠道，被称为“原罪重现”。研究表明，这些新型脆弱性主要集中在南方国家（发展中经济体）的私营部门。乍看之下，这似乎是个积极信号，因为它在资本外流时保护了南方国家的财政空间。然而，这些风险最终可能转化为公共部门的新型或有负债。鉴于这种复杂性，本文呼吁实施更广义的资本账户监管，以应对这些新兴且复杂的外部脆弱性问题。

How has financial globalization changed the nature of external vulnerability of emerging economies? To answer this question, we first present an overview of the changes in international capital flows and cross-border stocks involving emerging economies from the 1970s to the COVID-19 crisis and then identify relevant recent shifts in financial globalization. We adapt the concept of currency hierarchy to the most recent features of financial globalization. We deploy a stylized balance sheet analysis to better understand the metamorphosis of these economies’ vulnerabilities. We find the occurrence of the phenomenon of ‘original sin’ during financial internationalization. In contrast, in more recent times of financial globalization, the diversification of financial flows and investors and the increase of securities denominated in domestic currency have created additional channels of vulnerability, labeled as ‘original sin redux’. We find that the private sector in Southern economies is mostly exposed to these new vulnerabilities. At first sight, it is good news because it preserves the fiscal space of Southern States in the case of capital outflows. However, it might create new contingent liabilities for the public sector. We call for capital account regulation in a broad sense to target these new complex vulnerabilities.

南锥体的发展、民主与依附性：政治联盟、稳定机制及其风险

题目：Development, democracy, and dependence in the Southern Cone: political coalitions, stabilizing mechanisms, and their hazards

作者：Belén Villegas Plá，乌拉圭共和国大学研究员，联合国拉丁美洲和加勒比经济委员会国际顾问；Alejandro M. Peña，英国约克大学政治系国际政治高级讲师。

摘要：本文探讨了“依附型中级民主经济体”（IDDEs）在维持以发展为导向的政治联盟过程中所面临的结构性挑战。现有研究普遍认为，依附型中级民主经济体国家，尤其是拉丁美洲国家，之所以缺乏推动经济升级的政治联盟，主要原因在于其经济与政治制度的脆弱性、政治支持基础的分裂，以及经济依附关系所带来的政治与社会动荡。然而，本文提出不同观点，认为部分拉丁美洲的依附型中级民主经济体国家已成功建立起某种程度上的“半稳定”政治配置，在维持发展与改革进程方面取得了相对成效。这些中间型政治联盟依托于特定情境下的稳定机制，旨在于制度性、政治性与经济性脆弱性之间实现动态平衡。为验证上述论断，本文选取拉丁美洲南锥体的三个国家——阿根廷、智利与乌拉圭——作为案例，识别出三种类型的稳定机制：阿根廷式机制：依赖于主导政党在政治体系中所扮演的霸权性角色；智利式机制：建立在精英之间的共识以及社会组织原子化基础之上；乌拉圭式机制：基于经济与社会部门之间及其内部的稳定性联系所构建。此外，本文进一步分析了各类政治配置所内含的结构性风险，并指出这些风险可能引发特定路径的去稳定化趋势，进而对发展型政治联盟的可持续性构成挑战。

This article explores the challenge of sustaining development-oriented political coalitions in ‘dependent intermediate democratic economies’ (IDDEs). Scholars have pointed out that the absence of upgrading coalitions in IDDEs, particularly in Latin America, results from weak economic and political institutions and fragmented political support, as well as from the political and social turbulences introduced by economic dependency. Our argument, however, is that some Latin American IDDEs have managed to craft semi-stable political configurations capable of sustaining development and reform processes with relative success. These intermediate coalitions pivot on context-specific stabilization mechanisms that balance institutional, political, and economic fragilities and tensions. To support this argument, we take issue with three countries in Latin America’s Southern Cone – Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay – and distinguish three different types of stabilization mechanism at play in each of these cases: an Argentine-style variant based on the hegemonic role played by a dominant political party, a Chilean-style variant based on elite consensus and the atomization of collective organization, and a Uruguayan-style variant sustained by stable links between and within economic and social sectors. Additionally, we explore how each of these configurations, due to their structure, carry inherent hazards that envision specific trajectories of destabilization.

非正式司法规范能否抵御政治压力？

题目： Can informal judicial norms protect against political pressure?

作者：Joost Pauwelyn，日内瓦国际与发展研究生院国际法教授；Krzysztof Pelc，牛津大学圣安妮学院国际关系教授，并兼任韩国高丽大学兼职教授。

摘要：国际法庭往往在坚持司法独立与满足政治成员期望之间左右为难，因后者一旦施压，便可能削弱裁决机构的权威。本文提出，当国际组织的正式制度设计暴露其于政治控制风险时，制度行为体可通过自我设限的方式，借助一套非正式规范来保护自身免受过度监督。以世界贸易组织（WTO）上诉机构（Appellate Body，简称AB）为案例分析，本文发现，上诉机构成立之初成员间对“合议制”与“共识意见”的共同坚持，发挥了双重作用：（1）转移政治责任——政府难以将政策失败或争端裁决的不满直接归咎于某位法官；（2）为裁决者“留白”——在政府本可能要求明确异议时，共识意见为不愿公开持异议的法官提供了体面掩护。然而，随着共识意见这一非正式规范的弱化，世界贸易组织成员国对上诉机构的政治干预不断加剧，直至美国运用规则漏洞长期阻滞其正常运作，最终陷入功能瘫痪。由此可见，处于相对弱势地位的司法机关，虽可借助非正式规范在既定规则框架内争取更大主动，但此路依赖于成员对核心非正式规范的高度自律——而这种自律本身亦面临组织内外的持续挑战。

International tribunals are pulled between a commitment to judicial autonomy and the need to manage their members’ political expectations, lest these rein in the tribunal’s power. We argue that when the formal design of international institutions leaves them exposed to political control, institutional actors can respond by self-imposing constraints to protect themselves from excessive oversight. We examine this phenomenon in the context of the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Appellate Body (AB), touted until recently as one of the most successful international tribunals in existence. We argue that the early insistence on collegiality and consensus opinions among WTO AB members had the effect of (i) deflecting political blame and (ii) providing cover for adjudicators who did not dissent when governments might have wished them to. As the informal norm of consensus opinion was weakened, political control by WTO members grew stronger, culminating in the United States’s move to paralyze the AB. Weaker actors can thus improve their position under formal rules, yet this requires a strong commitment to a set of informal norms, which comes with its own challenges.

航空业例外主义、化石燃料与国家

题目：Aviation exceptionalism, fossil fuels and the state

作者：Vera Huwe，杜伊斯堡大学社会经济研究所博士后研究员；Debbie Hopkins，牛津大学地理与环境学院和可持续城市发展学院联合任命的人文地理学副教授；Giulio Mattioli，德国多特蒙德工业大学空间规划系博士后研究员，英国利兹大学交通研究所客座研究员。

摘要：尽管各国政府在某些部门加快了能源转型进程，但在其他领域却阻碍了化石燃料的淘汰。航空业对气候的影响已显著且快速上升，而相关政策决策不断延续对化石燃料的依赖。由于航空业唯有化石燃料才能提供所需的高能量密度，该行业在实现资本绿色化方面面临根本性约束。然而，航空业绝非孤立存在：国家通过多重角色受益于并支持该行业，因而与自身的气候目标发生冲突。本文首先溯源航空运输的兴起及其持续的碳依赖模式，进而剖析国家—行业关系中的三种角色：所有者（直接持有或投资航空基础设施）、赞助者（政府补贴、研发支持与减免政策的提供者）及客户（国有或公用航空需求的主要发起者）。结合批判性问题解决方法，我们指出可借助这些角色所掌握的资源与能力，提出推动航空业弃用化石燃料的具体策略。鉴于气候稳定迫切需要快速且全面地淘汰化石燃料，本文认为，政治经济学家应重点研究那些制约国家在特定领域推进化石燃料退出的社会—物质关系，从而为制定更具针对性的政策建议提供理论支撑。

While states have accelerated the energy transition in some sectors, they have also obstructed fossil phase-out in other sectors. Aviation has an outsized and rapidly growing climate impact, and associated policy decisions have perpetuated fossil fuel use. Since aviation is dependent on high energy density that only fossil fuels can (currently) provide, the industry faces fundamental constraints to green its capital. Yet, the industry does not operate in isolation. In this paper, we show how the state performs a variety of roles that benefit from and support aviation, creating conflicts with the state’s climate targets. We analyze state–industry relations as they relate to the emergence of air transport and its ongoing carbon-dependent formulations. Combining a relational account of the state and the method of critical problem-solving, we characterize the roles of the state vis-à-vis the industry as owner, sponsor and customer and point to strategies of how the associated capacities can be leveraged to drive fossil phase-out in aviation. Since a rapid and comprehensive phase-out of fossil fuels is required for climate stabilization, we argue that political economists can make important contributions by focusing on the socio-material relations that constrain state agency to phase-out fossil fuels in specific sectors.

企业帝国的建立与维护：外商直接投资的政治经济学（附录）

题目：Making and maintaining corporate empires: the political economy of FDI, appended

作者：Colin M. Barry，俄克拉荷马大学政治学副教授。

摘要：外商直接投资政治经济学理论通常假定，一旦跨国公司将资源配置到东道国，资本的可移动性便会下降。由此推断，企业进入东道国后的行为逻辑随之转变——这一动态在现有研究中却往往被忽视。本文针对该议题提出了一个两阶段外商直接投资理论：（1）合作关系启动阶段：在此阶段，企业决策遵循预期逻辑：跨国公司基于对东道国政治与经济环境的预测，提前设定投资规模、结构及治理安排。（2）合作关系维持阶段：随着投资项目的推进，企业转而依赖适应性逻辑：它们根据实际运营中的政治经济变化，动态调整投资策略与资源配置。本文进一步考察了上述两阶段逻辑如何影响跨国公司对东道国宏观政治与经济环境的响应能力，并据此提出一系列可检验假设，反映外商直接投资决策在不同阶段的行为差异。作者基于1994—2018年超过2万家跨国公司的外商直接投资头寸数据，对这些假设进行了实证检验，结果与理论预期相符。研究表明，深入理解外商直接投资过程必须超越静态的企业偏好分析，关注企业行为如何随投资阶段与环境变化而发生转变。这一发现对后续外商直接投资政治经济学研究提供了新的视角，强调应将“阶段性决策逻辑”纳入分析框架，以全面把握跨国投资的生成与演变机制。

A common assumption in political economy theories of foreign direct investment (FDI) is that capital mobility declines once the multinational corporation (MNC) commits resources to a host site. It follows that the logic governing firm behavior changes after entry – a dynamic that has been too often neglected in the existing literature. I address the matter here, presenting a two-phase theory of FDI. During the ‘partnership initiation’ phase, firm decision-making follows an anticipatory logic; but this switches to an adaptive logic during the ‘partnership maintenance’ phase. I consider how this affects firms’ responsiveness to the host’s macro-political and economic environment, deriving distinct hypotheses that reflect the theorized change in FDI decision-making from one phase to the next. I test these hypotheses against data on FDI positions for more than 20,000 MNCs between 1994 and 2018. The evidence is consistent with the argument. As FDI research moves forward, we need to think not only about firm preferences, but also about firm behavior and how it changes with context.

国际赔偿的悖论

题目：The paradox of international reparations

作者：Adam B. Lerner，马萨诸塞大学洛厄尔分校政治学副教授兼文科学士学位项目主任；Pauline Heinrichs，伦敦国王学院战争研究（气候与能源）讲师。

摘要：几个世纪以来，国际赔偿常被视作战后胜利者正义的体现。然而，二战之后《凡尔赛条约》的惨痛教训与西德对纳粹受害者的赔偿实践，共同催生了一种全新的国际赔偿道德经济模式。尽管近几十年间跨国维权行动激增，国家间援助付款与官方道歉不断涌现，真正意义上的国际赔偿案件却屈指可数，且多数协议未能终结持续的财务索赔。本文指出，这一乏善可陈的记录源于与“终结性”相关的核心悖论：国际赔偿本旨在清算历史纠纷并为深层和解奠定基础，然正是将集体创伤带回公共议程，往往激化争议，引发新一轮财务追索。为佐证此论，作者运用档案追溯法，深入分析了三种典型情境：德国对纳粹时代罪行的赔偿、伊拉克入侵科威特后设立的联合国赔偿委员会（UNCC）、以及1973年《巴黎和平协定》中谈判后被删除的赔偿条款。研究表明，终结性悖论在各案例中一再显现，深刻限制了国际赔偿实践的成效与持续性。

For centuries, international reparations were commonly exacted as a form of victor’s justice after war. Following World War II, however, the bitter legacy of the Treaty of Versailles and West Germany’s compensation of Nazism’s victim shifted this practice, ushering in a novel moral economy of international reparations. Yet, while recent decades have seen increased transnational activism around reparations, as well as interstate aid payments and official apologies, international reparations remain infrequent, and agreements often fail to end financial claims. This paper argues that one explanation for this lackluster record is a central paradox relating to finality. Though international reparations are designed to settle accounts and provide a basis for deeper reconciliation, by opening issues of traumatic memory to public debate, they often achieve the opposite effect and inspire a cascade of further financial claims. As evidence, we examine three cases of international reparations’ occurrence and rejection: Germany’s reparations for Nazi-era crimes, the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) formation following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, and reparations negotiated but removed from the 1973 Paris Peace Accords. Employing process tracing methods on archival documents, we demonstrate in each case how this paradox helps explain international reparations’ limitations as a practice.

成功故事还是虚言？冰岛的话语合作与经济重构

题目：Success story or tall tale? Discursive cooperation and economic restructuring in Iceland

作者：Darius Ornston，多伦多大学蒙克全球事务与公共政策学院和政治学系教授。

摘要：政治经济学家早已认识到，观念通过塑造公共政策和促进企业间协调，能够影响经济调整进程。本文在此基础上进一步论证了观念如何对经济重构产生直接且无中介的作用。更具体地说，本文提出“话语合作”，即集体叙事，作为一种独立于政策协商与企业协调之外的集体行动逻辑。通过研究21世纪的冰岛，本文展示了共享叙事如何加速该国向金融服务业和旅游业的转型：话语合作促进了新商业模式的扩散，并吸引了外部资源。然而，由于缺乏企业间协调、政策协商或配套公共政策支持，利益相关者难以对公共产品进行投入，导致冰岛经济并未实现平稳的渐进式升级，而是陷入了剧烈的繁荣—萧条循环。本文在揭示叙事力量的变革潜力的同时，也警示了单靠话语合作难以维系长期稳定发展的风险。

Political economists have long recognized the power of ideas to influence economic adjustment by shaping public policy and fostering inter-firm coordination. This article extends this argument, demonstrating how ideas can have a direct and unmediated impact on economic restructuring. More specifically, it identifies discursive cooperation, or collective storytelling, as a distinct logic of collective action, separate from policy concertation and inter-firm coordination. Examining twenty first century Iceland, this article illustrates how shared narratives accelerated the country’s movement into financial services and tourism by facilitating the diffusion of new business models and attracting external resources. Absent inter-firm coordination, policy concertation, or supportive public policies, however, stakeholders struggled to invest in public goods. Instead of incremental upmarket movement, Iceland was characterized by volatile boom-bust dynamics. In illustrating the transformative power of storytelling in small open economies, this article simultaneously highlights the perils of relying on discursive cooperation alone.

美元化经济体的资本流动政治：厄瓜多尔与萨尔瓦多的比较

题目：The politics of capital mobility in dollarized economies: comparing Ecuador and El Salvador

作者：Pedro Perfeito da Silva，埃克塞特大学政治经济学讲师。

摘要：本文聚焦拉丁美洲美元化经济体中的资本流动治理政治，基于波兰尼“双重运动”理论和国际金融从属研究框架提出即便处于全球货币等级底层，执政党意识形态与民众动员强度仍会导致资本流动管理政策的多样化。通过对自2000年代末以来厄瓜多尔与萨尔瓦多两国的比较研究，本文发现：在两国的后新自由主义左翼政府均加强了资本管制，而其右翼继任者则推动了资本流动自由化；但监管政策的松紧与民众压力的强弱密切相关。在厄瓜多尔，因社会运动具备较强动员能力，左翼政府得以实施全方位资本管制，而右翼政府则须以渐进式方式推进自由化；在萨尔瓦多，由于自下而上的社会压力相对薄弱，左翼政府仅采取有针对性的宏观审慎措施，而右翼继任者则几乎未遭阻力地推行激进的新自由主义改革，甚至将比特币与美元并列为法定货币。该研究表明，资本流动政策不仅受国际金融体系层级结构制约，也深受国内政治力量和动员机制的影响，这为理解美元化经济体在全球资本迁移中的战略选择提供了新的视角。

This article discusses the politics of capital mobility in dollarized Latin American economies. Building upon the Polanyian notion of double movement and the international financial subordination research program, I contend that the ideology of the governing party and the strength of popular mobilization still contribute to policy variegation in capital flow management even at the bottom of the global currency hierarchy. The case studies on Ecuador and El Salvador since the late 2000s provide support for this argument. In both countries, administrations led by post-neoliberal left-wing parties tightened capital flow management, while their right-wing successors gave a new impulse to capital mobility. However, these regulatory cycles varied according to the strength of popular pressures. In Ecuador, where social movements had a strong mobilizational capacity, post-neoliberal governments deployed encompassing capital controls, while their right-wing successor had to follow a gradualist approach in their liberalizing agenda. In El Salvador, on the other hand, given the relative weakness of the bottom-up pressure, post-neoliberal administrations pursued a targeted macroprudential approach, while the right-wing successor faced little resistance to implementing a radical neoliberal agenda that included even the adoption of bitcoin as legal tender alongside the United States dollar.

全球经济影响力与国内政权支持：来自中国的实证

题目：Global economic influence and domestic regime support: evidence from China

作者：Yeling Tan，牛津大学布拉瓦尼克政府学院公共政策教授；David Steinberg，约翰·霍普金斯大学高级国际研究学院国际政治经济学副教授；Daniel McDowell，雪城大学麦克斯韦公民与公共事务学院麦克斯韦国际事务顾问委员会教授。

摘要：Rising powers typically seek to play a larger role in international economic affairs, but we know little about the impact of this overseas expansion on domestic publics. This paper examines the domestic political consequences of rising states’ efforts to increase their foreign economic influence. We argue that public approval for these governments depends on whether they succeed or fail to expand their country’s global economic influence. To test this argument, we fielded three survey experiments in China, each focusing on a different component of China’s foreign economic strategy. In all three experiments, informing individuals that China has failed in increasing its role in the global economy reduced average levels of government satisfaction. Our evidence suggests that this drop in government approval operates through a weakened sense of national pride, rather than other channels based on economic prospects.

译者：张泰畅，国政学人编译员，马来亚大学国防与战略研究专业硕士研究生。

审校 | 赖永祯 张潇文

排版 | 刘洹彤

本文源于《国际政治经济学评论》（RIPE）Vol 32, No.1, 2025，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。