期刊简介

《国际组织》（International Organization）是一份分析政府和非政府组织运行的同行评审学术期刊、由Springer出版。该刊涵盖整个政治经济学领域，重点关注国际组织的政策和结构。2022年该刊影响因子为7.8，在国际关系的96种期刊中排名第1。

本期目录

1

外交政策官僚机构中的种族主题：计算文本分析

Racial Tropes in the Foreign Policy Bureaucracy: A Computational Text Analysis

2

安全、社会和对神圣事物的永恒斗争：国际关系理论中宗教战争的修正

Security, Society, and the Perennial Struggles over the Sacred: Revising the Wars of Religion in International Relations Theory

3

未来即历史：后拿破仑时代欧洲的恢复性民族主义与冲突

The Future Is History: Restorative Nationalism and Conflict in Post-Napoleonic Europe

4

美洲人权法院的监督听证、利益攸关方参与和合规性

Oversight Hearings, Stakeholder Engagement, and Compliance in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights

5

女性和男性政治家对战争的反应：来自乌克兰的证据

Women and Men Politicians’ Response to War: Evidence from Ukraine

内容摘要

外交政策官僚机构中的种族主题：计算文本分析

题目：Racial Tropes in the Foreign Policy Bureaucracy: A Computational Text Analysis

作者：Austin Carson，芝加哥大学政治学系副教授；Eric Min，加州大学洛杉矶分校政治学系副教授；Maya Van Nuys，芝加哥大学政治学系博士研究生。

摘要：种族刻板印象如何影响外交政策的认知？在国际关系研究中，种族和种族主义这一话题长期以来一直被边缘化，但现在却重新受到关注。在这篇文章中，我们评估了冷战时期美国外交政策官僚机构内部分原创类评估中隐性种族偏见的作用。我们使用了基于字典和监督的机器学习技术，在一个独特的情报文件语料库中识别出了四种种族倾向：近 5,000 份发给肯尼迪、约翰逊、尼克松和福特的总统每日简报。我们论证并发现，有关美国视为 “种族化他者”的国家的条目--特别是全球南部国家、新独立国家和一些特定的地区集团--具有特别多的种族主题。有关这些地方的外国发展的条目更有可能出现幼稚化、引用动物类比、暗示非理性或好战的解释。即使考虑到冲突的存在、被分析国家的政权类型、对领导人的引用以及讨论的主题，这种关联也是成立的。这篇文章有两个主要贡献。首先，它为重新关注种族问题做出了贡献，且特别强调了隐性种族化思维及其在官僚环境中的表现。其次，我们展示了在外交政策文本中识别种族偏见和其他形式隐性偏见的新工具的前景。

How do racial stereotypes affect perceptions in foreign policy? Race and racism as topics have long been marginalized in the study of international relations but are receiving renewed attention. In this article we assess the role of implicit racial bias in internal, originally classified assessments by the US foreign policy bureaucracy during the Cold War. We use a combination of dictionary-based and supervised machine learning techniques to identify the presence of four racial tropes in a unique corpus of intelligence documents: almost 5,000 President's Daily Briefs given to Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and Ford. We argue and find that entries about countries that the US deemed “racialized Others”—specifically, countries in the Global South, newly independent states, and some specific regional groupings—feature an especially large number of racial tropes. Entries about foreign developments in these places are more likely to feature interpretations that infantilize, invoke animal-based analogies, or imply irrationality or belligerence. This association holds even when accounting for the presence of conflict, the regime type of the country being analyzed, the invocation of leaders, and the topics being discussed. The article makes two primary contributions. First, it adds to the revival of attention to race but gives special emphasis to implicit racialized thinking and its appearance in bureaucratic settings. Second, we show the promise of new tools for identifying racial and other forms of implicit bias in foreign policy texts.

安全、社会和对神圣事物的永恒斗争：国际关系理论中宗教战争的修正

题目：Security, Society, and the Perennial Struggles over the Sacred: Revising the Wars of Religion in International Relations Theory

作者：Derek Bolton，雷丁大学政治学系讲师。

摘要：国际关系理论倾向于将宗教战争 (WoR) 建立在如下传统叙事之上，即认为，正是宗教暴力的非理性催生了现代国际务实世俗国家体系，从而导致了政治的世俗化、理性化和非感情化。相比之下，本文将我们的焦点重新调整到涂尔干关于宗教的更具社会性的认知，即宗教是信徒的共同体，以及神圣和共同情感在社会和政治生活中的持续作用。具体来说，它研究了现代社群（如国家）如何仍然由对神圣概念的共同信仰构成，以及相应的道德秩序感如何成为持久追求本体安全的核心。因此，本文认为，国际关系应关注社群所持神圣观念的长期斗争，通过考察神圣的本体论安全与道德解释学之间的持续相互作用，我们可以更好地理解（“宗教”或“世俗”）暴力倾向——所谓的宗教战争是这一论点的典型案例。历史研究探索了宗教战争参与者如何应对这种神圣斗争，从而使我们能够探索这些动态，并进一步将我们对现代“世俗”政治中神圣的理解进行概念化。本文最后研究了暴力前景如何与政治秩序内部和之间关于神圣的长期斗争相互关联——这种情绪凸显了国内道德两极分化和国家间意识形态竞争日益加剧所带来的一些危险隐患。

International relations theory tends to build on the conventional narrative of the Wars of Religion (WoR), which holds it was the irrationality of religious violence that generated the modern international system of pragmatic secular states—resulting in the presumed secularized, rational, and unemotive nature of politics. In contrast, this article reorients our focus to Durkheim's more social view of religion as a community of believers and to the continued role of the sacred and shared emotion/affect in social and political life. Specifically, it examines how modern communities (such as nations) remain constituted by a shared faith in conceptions of the sacred and how the corresponding sense of moral order is central to the enduring pursuit of ontological security. Therefore, it argues that international relations should focus on the perennial struggles over what communities hold sacred and that we can better understand the propensity for (“religious” or “secular”) violence by examining the continual interplay between the sacred, ontological security, and the hermeneutics of morality—with the so-called WoR being the locus classicus of this argument. Historical studies exploring how participants in the WoR navigated such struggles over the sacred thus allow us to explore these dynamics and further conceptualize our understanding of the sacred within modern “secular” politics. The article concludes by examining how the prospect for violence is interrelated with the perennial struggles over the sacred within, and between, political orders—a sentiment that brings into relief some of the hazards accompanying growing intrastate moral polarization and interstate ideological rivalry.

未来即历史：后拿破仑时代欧洲的恢复性民族主义与冲突

题目：The Future Is History: Restorative Nationalism and Conflict in Post-Napoleonic Europe

作者：Lars-Erik Cederman，苏黎世联邦理工学院国际冲突研究教授。

摘要：正如俄罗斯入侵乌克兰所表明的那样，最近民族主义的复兴引发了修正主义冲突的威胁性回归。虽然有关民族主义的文献显示了民族主义叙事是如何在社会中建构起来的，但对其在现实世界中的后果却知之甚少。我们认真对待民族主义叙事，研究过去的 “黄金时代 ”如何影响后拿破仑时代欧洲的领土要求和冲突。我们预计，如果民族主义者能将现状与历史上所谓更加统一和/或独立的政体进行对比，他们就更有可能动员起来并发起冲突。通过使用可追溯到 1100 年的欧洲国家边界数据，并结合过去两个世纪民族聚居区的空间数据，我们发现，所谓合理的黄金时代会增加国内和国家间冲突的风险。这些发现表明，特定的历史遗产使某些现代民族主义比其他民族主义更具影响力。

As illustrated by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the recent revival of nationalism has triggered a threatening return of revisionist conflict. While the literature on nationalism shows how nationalist narratives are socially constructed, much less is known about their real-world consequences. Taking nationalist narratives seriously, we study how past “golden ages” affect territorial claims and conflict in post-Napoleonic Europe. We expect nationalists to be more likely to mobilize and initiate conflict if they can contrast the status quo to a historical polity with supposedly greater national unity and/or independence. Using data on European state borders going back to 1100, combined with spatial data covering ethnic settlement areas during the past two centuries, we find that the availability of plausible golden ages increases the risk of both domestic and interstate conflict. These findings suggest that specific historical legacies make some modern nationalisms more consequential than others.

美洲人权法院的监督听证、利益攸关方参与和合规性

题目：Oversight Hearings, Stakeholder Engagement, and Compliance in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights

作者：Aníbal Pérez-Liñán，圣母大学政治学和全球事务教授；Angie K. Garcia Atehortua，国际律师。

摘要：本文介绍了对话式监督的概念，即司法机构通过授权国家报告、第三方参与和监督听证会相结合的方式对遵守情况进行监督的过程。为了评估这一策略在国际舞台上的有效性，我们对美洲人权法院举行的监督听证会进行了评估。我们采用倾向分数匹配法、差分估计法和事件历史模型，分析了 1989 年至 2019 年间法院下令采取的 1878 项赔偿措施的遵守情况。我们发现，对话式监督具有适度且积极的效果，每年将国家遵守规定的概率提高约 3%（与基线执行率相比，效果显著）。然而，它需要公民社会的参与才能产生积极的结果。我们的框架将宪法和国际组织方面的文献中的相关发现联系起来。

East Asian countries have recently upgraded their regional cooperation for clean air through the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia, with elaborate arrangements for monitoring and capacity-building assistance for multiple pollutants.  This represents a departure from the earlier informal regimes with vague arrangements on acid deposition.  However, despite this notable shift, this formalization in the regional governance for clean air remains largely unexplored in the existing literature.  This study fills this gap by analysing the dynamics of formalization through aid from theories of regime complexity and legalization.  It focuses on the decade from 2012 to 2021, employing documentary analysis and interviews.  The results reveal that governments actively pursue their state interests by adjusting institutional arrangements through regime competition and selection that drive formalization.  Sharing cognition of the hazardousness of multiple pollutants achieved through interactions between regional and global institutions serves as a catalyst for reaching an agreement on the arrangements.

女性和男性政治家对战争的反应：来自乌克兰的证据

题目：Women and Men Politicians’ Response to War: Evidence from Ukraine

作者：Taylor Damann，华盛顿圣路易斯大学政治学专业博士研究生；Dahjin Kim，华盛顿圣路易斯大学政治学专业博士研究生；Margit Tavits，华盛顿圣路易斯大学政治学专业博士研究生。

摘要：战争是加深了政治家行为中的性别不平等，还是有助于消除这些不平等？我们借鉴心理学中的恐怖管理理论，认为暴力冲突的爆发可能会促使政治家们更强烈地遵从传统的性别刻板印象，因为这有助于个人应对生存恐惧。为了验证我们的论点，我们使用了 2022 年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰前后三个月乌克兰政治家在社交媒体上的参与数据（469 位政治家在 Facebook 上发布的 136455 条帖子）以及间断时间序列分析，来评估冲突对政治家行为的影响。我们发现，冲突的爆发加深了政治家在公众参与中的性别刻板行为。我们还表明，与我们的论点一致，公众的性别偏见在战争期间会被放大。

Does war deepen gender inequalities in politicians’ behavior or help erase them? We draw from the terror management theory developed in psychology to argue that the onset of a violent conflict is likely to push politicians to conform more strongly with traditional gender stereotypes because it helps individuals cope with existential fears. To test our argument, we use data on Ukrainian politicians’ engagement on social media (136,455 Facebook posts by 469 politicians) in the three months before and after the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, and interrupted time series analysis, to assess the effect of conflict on politicians’ behavior. We find that conflict onset deepens gender-stereotypical behavior among politicians in their public engagement. We also show that, consistent with our argument, gender biases among the public are magnified during war.

编译 | 王涵婧

审校 | 赖永祯

排版 | 张可儿

本文源于《国际组织》，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。