期刊简介

《亚洲调查》是加州大学出版社代表加州大学伯克利分校东亚研究所出版的学术期刊。该杂志于1932年以备忘录的形式成立，但在1935年更名为《远东调查》，并于1961年获得了现名。该刊物持续关注亚洲事务与发展，是亚洲研究领域的重要学术刊物之一。其2021年的影响因子为0.511，在84种区域研究期刊中排名第68。

本期目录

1

从台湾地区情感极化的视角看精英因素对政策态度的影响：敌意的强大力量 

The Effect of Elite Cues on Policy Attitudes through the Lens of Affective Polarization in Taiwan: The Potent Force of Animosity

2

经济挫折以及韩国年轻男性对性别平等的抵制

Economic Frustration and Resistance to Gender Equality among Young Korean Men

3

中国对外直接投资与发展中国家网络数字自由

Chinese Overseas Foreign Direct Investment and Online Digital Freedom in Developing Countries

4

一切皆与中国相关？以大国视角（错误）解读国内政治

All About China?: (Mis)Reading Domestic Politics through a Great Power Lens

内容摘要

从台湾地区情感极化的视角看精英因素对政策态度的影响：敌意的强大力量

题目：The Effect of Elite Cues on Policy Attitudes through the Lens of Affective Polarization in Taiwan: The Potent Force of Animosity

作者简介：金志聿, 中原大学信息管理系的副教授；Cheng-Lung Wang，中原大学信息管理系研究助理。

摘要：政治的个人化和精英极化引起了学术界的广泛关注。本文对2020年台湾地区领导人选举期间的政策建议和选民对候选人的评价进行了线上实验调查。在控制党派相关因素的情况下，笔者发现了精英对选民政策态度的影响。这种效应表现为消极影响，而非积极影响。此外，消极影响因候选人而异。研究表明，在政策态度的形成中，反对一个候选人比喜欢一个候选人的影响更大。总体而言，本研究以台湾选举背景为依据，扩展了我们对个人化政治视角下精英效应的理解。这一信息不仅有利于理解极化的政治后果，而且对理解政治极化与公民意见形成的关系也是至关重要的。

The personalization of politics and elite polarization have attracted considerable scholarly attention. We conducted an online experimental survey on policy proposals and voters’ evaluations of candidates during the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election. We see an elite effect on voters’ policy attitudes when controlling for party-related factors. The effect shows up as a negative cue but not as a positive cue. Moreover, the negative effect varies by candidate. These findings suggest that in policy attitude formation, opposition to a candidate has a stronger effect than liking a candidate. Overall, this study extends our understanding of the elite effect from the perspective of personalized politics with evidence from the Taiwanese electoral context. This information is critical not only for understanding the political consequences of polarization but also for understanding how it relates to opinion formation among citizens. 

经济挫折与韩国年轻男性对性别平等的抵制

题目：Economic Frustration and Resistance to Gender Equality among Young Korean Men 

作者简介：Hanna Kim，匹兹堡大学亚洲研究中心访问学者，首尔大学讲师；Youngdeuk Park（通讯作者），忠南大学政治系助理教授。

摘要：对加强性别平等政策的偏见和消极态度往往与性别歧视等个人特征有关。而另一种视角更侧重于资源稀缺情况下的群体间威胁，强调经济挫折。本研究以韩国为中心，基于群际威胁理论，探讨了年轻男性日益加深的悲观经济观念与他们对性别平等的反对态度之间的关联。通过分析2019年统一调查的数据，本文发现韩国年轻男性对性别平等政策的支持程度低于其他人群。在20岁左右的韩国男性中，对自己经济地位的悲观看法与对性别平等政策的支持程度较低有关。而相比之下，我们发现在这一群体中，性别歧视态度和对性别平等政策的抵制之间并没有明显的联系。

Prejudice and negative attitudes toward stronger gender-equality policies are often associated with personal traits such as sexism. An alternate perspective focuses on intergroup threats in resource-scarce situations, highlighting economic frustration. Centered on South Korea, this study examines the connection between deepening pessimistic economic perceptions among young men and their opposition to gender equality, based on intergroup threat theory. Analyzing data from the 2019 Unification Survey, we find that young Korean men expressed less support for gender-equality policies than other segments of the population. And among Korean men in their twenties, a pessimistic view of their economic status correlated with weaker endorsement of gender-equality policies. In contrast, we saw no significant link in this group between sexist attitudes and resistance to gender-equality policies.

中国对外直接投资与发展中国家网络数字自由

题目：Chinese Overseas Foreign Direct Investment and Online Digital Freedom in Developing Countries

作者简介：Lance Y. Hunter，奥古斯塔大学社会科学系国际关系学教授、情报与安全研究硕士；Glen Biglaiser，北德克萨斯大学政治学系教授；Kelan (Lilly) Lu，南卡罗来纳大学政治学系副教授。

摘要：尽管已有研究表明中国对发展中国家的政策影响越来越大，但很少有实证研究去考量中国对外直接投资（FDI）与东道国网络数字自由之间的关系。从2003年到2019年，我们考察了多达112个的发展中国家，并使用两阶段最小二乘选择建模方法，发现中国对外直接投资与网络数字自由的四种限制之间存在关联。相反，当我们将其替换为全球FDI（不包括中国FDI）时，得到了不同的结果，这表明中国跨国公司和在线数字自由之间存在一些特殊之处。本文的研究表明，中国和东道国领导人通过约束网络数字自由来达到互惠互利。

Although studies have shown China’s growing influence on developing countries’ policies, little empirical work has considered the relationship between Chinese overseas foreign direct investment (FDI) and host countries’ online digital freedom. Considering as many as 112 developing countries from 2003 to 2019, and using a two-stage least squares selection modeling approach, we find an association between Chinese FDI and four types of limits on online digital freedom. Conversely, when we substitute global FDI (excluding Chinese FDI), we obtain different results, suggesting there is something unique about Chinese multinational corporations and online digital freedom. Our research indicates that China and host states’ domestic leaders mutually benefit by restricting online digital freedom.

一切皆与中国相关？以大国视角（错误）解读国内政治

题目：All About China?: (Mis)Reading Domestic Politics through a Great Power Lens 

作者简介：Petra Alderman，伯明翰大学国际发展部包容性和民主政治领导力博士后研究员和选举、民主、问责制和代表制中心研究员；Duncan McCargo，南洋理工大学全球事务主席教授；Alfred Gerstl，奥洛穆茨帕拉基大学亚洲研究系副教授；James Iocovozzi，奥洛穆茨帕拉基大学亚洲研究系博士生。

摘要：本文将国际关系、批判地缘政治文献与一项泰国的民意调查相结合，以深入研究一些很少被探索和敏感的问题，从而了解受访者的政治观点和态度，我们检验了在多大程度上可以通过中美大国的视角来理解国内政治发展。政治上进步的泰国人更有可能支持美国，而政治上保守的泰国人更有可能支持中国吗？虽然我们发现国内政治的自由主义倾向与对美国的赞同之间存在一定的关系，但我们也表明，国内政治的保守倾向并不会自动转化为对中国的支持。将泰国等国的选举结果视为一个或另一个大国的“胜利”，将是一种严重的误导。

Combining international relations and critical geopolitics literature with a public opinion survey in Thailand that delves into some rarely explored and sensitive questions to understand respondents’ political views and attitudes, we examine the extent to which domestic political developments can be understood through a US–China great power lens. Are politically progressive Thais more likely to be pro-US, and more politically conservative Thais likely to favor China? While we find some relationship between liberal domestic political leanings and sympathy for the United States, we also show that conservative domestic political leanings do not automatically translate into support for China. To view election outcomes in a country such as Thailand as “wins” for one or other great power would be highly misleading.

编译 | 任雨欣

审校 | 张潇文

排版 | 梁艺蓝

本文源于《亚洲调查》，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。