期刊简介
《国际关系》在观点上是明确的多元化。在许多学术期刊在范围上越来越专业化，在方法上越来越宗派的时候，本刊的编辑政策仍倾向于主题和方法的多样性。除了更主流的概念工作和政策分析外，本刊欢迎来自所有角度和与国际关系相关的所有主题的文章或建议：法律、经济学、伦理、战略、哲学、文化、环境等。本刊认为，这种多元化受到学术和政策界以及感兴趣的公众的极大需求。每卷通常都包含同行评审的研究文章，以及综述文章、采访、辩论和论坛的组合。总之，我们欢迎各种观点。2024年该期刊的影响因子为1.5。
本期目录
1
查戈斯群岛和国际秩序：人权、法治和外国统治
The Chagos Islands and international orders: human rights, rule of law, and foreign rule
2
使命拯救我们所有人：大俄罗斯和全球不列颠解决本体不安全
Mission saves us all: Great Russia and Global Britain dealing with ontological insecurity
3
核本体论的争论：抵制核主义和再构想核裁军政治
A contestation of nuclear ontologies: resisting nuclearism and reimagining the politics of nuclear disarmament
4
美国国家身份的限制：美国军事援助中的利益和价值
The limits of US national identity: interests and values in US military aid
5
时尚的外交角色：法国基于声望的商业外交政策工具，1960-1970年代
Fashion’s diplomatic role: an instrument of French prestige-based commercial diplomacy, 1960s–1970s
6
从帝国拯救资本主义：殖民史在新制度主义经济学中的应用
Saving capitalism from empire: uses of colonial history in new institutional economics
7
现实主义、鲁莽的国家和自然选择
Realism, reckless states, and natural selection
内容摘要
查戈斯群岛和国际秩序：人权、法治和外国统治
题目：The Chagos Islands and international orders: human rights, rule of law, and foreign rule
作者：Martin Welz，慕尼黑联邦国防军大学社会科学与公共事务系政治文化比较研究教授
摘要：本文运用被英国管理、被美国作为军事基地并且被毛里求斯宣誓主权的查戈斯群岛，作为案例研究来探讨竞争性国际秩序，推动国际秩序理论的进步。笔者将国际秩序视为功能和地域上有限的规则集，重点分析功能上与人权、法治和对外统治相关的三套秩序上。笔者认为，那些更具一贯性地促进人权和法治、反对外国统治的秩序扩大了其地理范围。查戈斯群岛争端是一个有趣的案例研究，它探讨了 2019 年联合国大会的投票迫使各国选边站队，探讨了这些秩序的转变和保护这些秩序的尝试。同时，笔者的分析强调了现实政治阻止了被挑战秩序的全面崩盘。
This article uses the Chagos Archipelago that is administered by the United Kingdom, used as a military base by the US, and claimed by Mauritius, as a case study to explore competing international orders and move the theorization of international orders forward. Considering international orders as functionally and geographically limited sets of rules, I focus on those three sets of orders that functionally relate to human rights, the rule of law, and foreign rule. I show that those orders that promote human rights and the rule of law more consistently and reject foreign rule have extended their geographic scope. The Chagos Islands dispute is an intriguing case study to probe shifts of and attempts to protect these orders as a vote in 2019 at the United National General Assembly forced states to take sides. At the same time, my analysis highlights that realpolitik prevents the full overturn of the challenged orders.
经济危机与国际组织的生存
题目：Economic crises and the survival of international organizations
作者：Yoram Z. Haftel，耶路撒冷希伯来大学国际关系系教授；Bar Nadel，耶路撒冷希伯来大学国际关系系博士研究生
摘要：经济困难时期如何影响各国的外交政策，尤其是其国际承诺？尽管大量文献假设经济危机会导致以国际合作为代价而优先考虑国内政治，但这些说法很少受到系统的实证检验。本研究考察了这些关系的一个重要方面：经济危机的后果对国际组织的生存。这个问题迄今为止鲜少引起学术界关注。理论上，我们认为尽管经济危机会弱化成员国对国际组织的承诺，他们还强调其有能力解决此类危机的根源，减轻其最有害的影响。因此，经济危机实际上可以延长国际组织的持续时间。本文预计，考虑到具有经济任务的国际组织以及地区性国际组织在经济困难时期对国际合作的特殊意义，上述这种影响在货币危机中尤其明显。本文利用1970年至2014年国际组织以及关于货币、银行和主权债务危机数据的全面样本对这些猜测进行了检验。使用事件历史模型和控制其余关于国际组织生存的替代性解释，本文发现了充足的经验支持的理论预期。
How do hard economic times affect countries’ foreign policy and, specifically, their international commitments? Although a large body of literature assumes that economic crises lead to the prioritization of domestic politics at the expense of international cooperation, these claims are rarely subjected to systematic empirical tests. This study examines one important aspect of these relationships: the consequences of economic crises for the survival of international organizations (IOs), a question that attracted only scant scholarly attention to date. Theoretically, we argue that even though economic crises can weaken member states’ commitment to IOs, they also underscore their ability to tackle the root causes of such crises and mitigate their most pernicious effects. As such, economic crises are actually conducive to IO longevity. We expect this effect to be especially pronounced for currency crises, IOs with an economic mandate, and regional IOs, given their particular relevance for international cooperation during hard economic times. These conjectures are tested with a comprehensive sample of IOs and data on currency, banking and sovereign debt crises from 1970 to 2014. Using event history models and controlling for several alternative explanations of IO survival, we find ample empirical support for the theoretical expectations.
使命拯救我们所有人：大俄罗斯和全球不列颠解决本体不安全
题目：Mission saves us all: Great Russia and Global Britain dealing with ontological insecurity
作者：Alicja Curanović , 华沙大学政治学与国际研究学院教员；Piotr Szymański，东方研究中心高级研究员
摘要：在本文中，笔者分析了俄罗斯和英国政体建制在面对着本体不安全，在外交政策中运用弥赛亚色彩的叙事。尽管这些叙事在官方话语中并不特点鲜明，但它们引人注目，并为国家身份的动态提供了有价值的见解。笔者称其为“使命叙事”，解释了它们的（重新）出现，它们在外交政策里作为对侵蚀两个国家的自传式叙事稳定性的“生死存亡处境”的反应。尽管在范围和属性上存在差异，但苏联的解体和英国脱欧公投都导致这两个国家的地位和身份受到质疑。两个国家都强调它们在世界上的独特角色。它们都在外交政策中提到使命来强化一个连贯的自传式叙事，缓解了本体论的不确定性。
In this paper we analyse a situation wherein the political establishments of Russia and the United Kingdom, in the face of ontological insecurity, use narratives with messianic overtones in their foreign policies. Although these narratives do not feature prominently in the official discourse, they are nevertheless noticeable and provide a valuable insight into dynamics of national identity. We call them ‘mission narratives’ and interpret their (re)appearance in foreign policy as a reaction to a ‘critical situation’ which undermines the stability of the autobiographical narrative of both countries. Although different in scope and nature, the fall of the USSR and the Brexit referendum both resulted in the status and identity of the two states being questioned. Both countries reacted by emphasising their special role in the world. Referring to mission in foreign policy strengthens a coherent autobiographic narrative which soothes ontological uncertainties.
核本体论的争论：抵制核主义和再构想核裁军政治
题目：A contestation of nuclear ontologies: resisting nuclearism and reimagining the politics of nuclear disarmament
作者：Nick Ritchie，约克大学政治学与国际关系系教授
摘要：核裁军的全球政治在过去十年里饱受质疑，尤其围绕2017年禁止核武器条约谈判（TNPW）。学界提供了不同的解释，但这些解释趋向聚焦于“安全环境”这一以现实主义方式构思的术语为中心。本文借鉴罗伯特·考科斯的霸权理论，通过检验它在一个更广阔的核霸权框架之内的潜在话语和主张，从而理解TPNW与核裁军的全球政治。本文认为，核裁军的政治已经固化为两种大相径庭的核世界观之间的争论，或核本体论：霸权核主义与次要地位反核主义之间变得确定。这些并不仅仅是不同的观点，而是基础地理解全球核政治的不同方式，这些方式对核裁军行动有着重要意义。三个结论显露在此：交叉性对于在一个更广阔的全球政治内的抵抗进程理解次要地位反核主义至关重要；在霸权核主义和次要地位反核主义之间的主张是动机争胜的；那种寻找一个中间地带的“搭建桥梁”路径普遍地否认这一动机争胜的行为，并借此封闭了争论，这解释了为什么它们经常未能获得牵引力。本文建立在对核霸权、话语和抵抗的批判性研究基础上，发展了一个霸权、次要地位核主义以及反核主义的原创框架。
The global politics of nuclear disarmament has become deeply contested over the past decade, particularly around the negotiation of the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). Different explanations are offered, but these tend to centre on the geopolitics of the ‘security environment’ conceived in realist terms. This article makes sense of the TPNW and the global politics of nuclear disarmament by examining its underlying discourse and contestation within a wider framework of nuclear hegemony and resistances to it, drawing on Robert Cox’s theory of hegemony. It argues that the politics of nuclear disarmament has hardened into a contestation between two broadly incommensurable nuclear worldviews, or nuclear ontologies: hegemonic nuclearism and subaltern anti-nuclearism. These are not just different perspectives, but fundamentally different ways of understanding global nuclear politics that have important implications for the nuclear disarmament movement. Three conclusions emerge from this: that intersectionality is vital to understanding subaltern anti-nuclearism within wider processes of resistance in global politics; that contestation between hegemonic nuclearism and subaltern anti-nuclearism is agonistic; and that ‘bridge building’ approaches to find a middle ground generally deny this agonism and thereby close down debate, and that this explains why they often fail to gain traction. The article builds on the critical scholarship on nuclear hegemony, discourse and resistance and develops an original framework of hegemonic and subaltern nuclearism and anti-nuclearism.
美国国家身份的限制：美国军事援助中的利益和价值
题目：The limits of US national identity: interests and values in US military aid
作者：Evan W Sandlin, 南加州大学经济和社会研究中心研究经理
摘要：从政策制定者的角度，美国国家价值塑造了美国援助政策。然而，这些国家价值与物质利益并不一致。当政策制定者面临是否给予一国美国军事军事援助时，并不遵循美国国家价值而是服务于美国的安全与经济利益。美国国家价值在何种程度上与这些物质利益的冲突是有弹性的呢？本文假设了国家价值与利益冲突在某种程度上是有弹性的，以至于这些价值是美国国家身份的显著特征。研究结果指出更突出的价值（民主）是几乎不受抵消的物质利益影响的，当更外围的价值（进取心和人权）在美国军事援助分配上显示了不同的影响，依赖于受惠国的安全和经济重要性。
According to policymakers, US national values shape US foreign aid policy. However, these national values clash with material interests when policymakers are faced with the decision of whether or not to grant US military aid to countries that do not adhere to US national values but do serve US security and economic interests. To what extent are US national values resilient to clashes with these material interests? This paper hypothesizes that national values are resilient to clashes with interests to the extent to which these values are a salient feature of US national identity. The findings indicate that more prominent values (democracy) are almost impervious to countervailing interests while more tangential values (enterprise and human rights) exhibit different effects on US military aid allocation depending on the security and economic importance of the recipient state.
时尚的外交角色：法国基于声望的商业外交政策工具，1960-1970年代
题目：Fashion’s diplomatic role: an instrument of French prestige-based commercial diplomacy, 1960s–1970s
作者：Vincent Dubé-Senécal，蒙特利尔大学历史系博士
摘要：本文从历史和外交角度重新审视了法国在 1960 年代末制定的时装援助计划。在此情况下，本文通过来自外交档案库的多利益攸关方会议交叉引用档案，评估了法国公共权威、国家和纺织业制造商的决策过程。通过建立在最近基于文化和商业维度交汇处的时尚研究的基础上，本文引入外交维度，重新评估了时尚在外交中的角色。本文认为与传统叙事所强调的时尚支持纺织业出口相反，高级定制和时尚反而通过前卫的国家品牌塑造和出口品牌塑造的结合，成为法国战后以声望为基础的商业外交的固定组成部分。
This article re-examines the aid-to-couture plans enacted by France at the end of the 1960s from both historical and diplomatic perspectives. In so doing, it assesses the decision-making process of French public authorities, couturiers and textile manufacturers by cross-referencing archives from multi-stakeholder meetings with diplomatic archives. By building on the current literature in Fashion Studies that stands at the confluence of cultural and business perspectives, this article adds to it a diplomatic perspective to re-evaluate the role of fashion for diplomacy. It argues that contrary to the traditional narrative on the role of fashion in favour of textile exports, haute couture and fashion instead became a fixture of France’s post-war prestige-based commercial diplomacy through a mix of nation branding avant la lettre and export branding.
从帝国拯救资本主义：殖民史在新制度主义经济学中的应用
题目：Saving capitalism from empire: uses of colonial history in new institutional economics
作者：Onur Ulas Ince，伦敦大学亚非学院政治理论副教授
摘要：本文通过批判性的联系殖民史在新制度主义经济学（NIE）内的应用，有助于殖民主义与资本主义在同一个分析框架内的理论化。新制度主义经济学中的“殖民地转向”具有重要的判断价值，因为尽管它把殖民主义合并到了它的“大分流”描述中，但它坚持自由主义的资本主义概念，建立在私有产权，竞争市场和法治的基础上。有人认为NIE通过承认殖民主义进入资本主义历史，却把殖民主义排除在资本主义理论之外，从而达到了这一效果。NIE通过把殖民主义一分为二为“包容性”和“竞争性”制度，过滤了殖民主义，坚持资本主义增长与包容性制度的必然联系。根据政治经济学的批判理论，本文通过识别殖民资本主义的形式展示了NIE框架的有限性，这些形式并不足以在包容和提取之间归结为一个风格化的对立。殖民奴隶制、商业帝国主义和定居者殖民主义形成了包容/提取二元的张力，通过强调(1)帝国主义网络积累中包容和提取制度的相互依赖，(2)包容性制度粗暴剥夺所有权的起源，尤其是私有产权。本文主张将 NIE 对殖民主义的批判视为“对资本主义不平衡的自由主义批判”，并总结了关于“实际存在的资本主义”下的包容和排斥的更广泛问题。
This article contributes to theorising colonialism and capitalism within the same analytic frame through a critical engagement with the uses of colonial history in new institutional economics (NIE). The ‘colonial turn’ in NIE holds significant diagnostic value because although it incorporates colonialism into its account of the ‘great divergence’, it maintains a liberal conception of capitalism predicated on private property, competitive markets, and the rule of law. It is argued that NIE achieves this effect by admitting colonialism into its history of capitalism while excluding it from its theory of capitalism. By filtering colonialism through the dichotomy between ‘inclusive’ and ‘extractive’ institutions, NIE upholds the categorical association of capitalist growth with inclusive institutions. Drawing on critical theories of political economy, the article shows the limits of the NIE framework by identifying forms of colonial capitalism that do not resolve into a stylised opposition between inclusion and extraction. Colonial slavery, commercial imperialism, and settler colonialism strain the inclusive/extractive binary by highlighting (1) the interdependence of inclusive and extractive institutions in imperial networks accumulation, and (2) the violent expropriations at the origins of inclusive institutions, above all private property. Proposing to view NIE’s critique of colonialism as a ‘liberal critique of capitalist unevenness’, the article concludes on broader questions about inclusion and exclusion under ‘actually existing capitalism’.
现实主义、鲁莽的国家和自然选择
题目：Realism, reckless states, and natural selection
作者：Matthew Rendall, 诺丁汉大学政治与国际关系讲师
摘要：为什么像俄乌冲突这样胆大妄为的侵犯会是世界政治如此重要的因素？无论进攻性还是防御性现实主义者都没有给出一个令人十分满意的答案。本文认为问题在于他们共享的国家追求安全的假设。笔者追溯新现实主义在演化经济学中的根源，从而间接地追溯到自然选择的生物学理论中，笔者认为许多政策与国家生存是相容的。困难之处在于像大国一样生存。在这一等级顺序中兴起、并且停留于那里的国家表现得似乎它们并不寻求安全，而是最大化它们的影响。这一达尔文式的竞争选择支持扩张主义制度的国家和意识形态。不承认这一现象就有可能冒赋予帝国主义虚假的合法性的风险。同时，新现实主义者还犯了一个生物学家熟悉的谬论：即假设增强团体适应力的特性是被选择的，即便它们减少了团体内部竞争的适应力。在国家间竞争中，大国因促进影响力最大化而被选择，国家内部竞争将会由于民主的传播而越来越多地选择寻求安全。然而，尤其是在权威主义大国中，前者有时仍然主导着后者。
Why is daredevil aggression like Russia’s war on Ukraine such an important factor in world politics? Neither offensive nor defensive realists give a fully satisfactory answer. This paper maintains that the problem lies in their shared assumption that states pursue security. Tracing neorealism’s roots in evolutionary economics, and hence indirectly in biological theories of natural selection, I argue that many policies are compatible with state survival. What is hard is surviving as a great power. States that rise to that rank, and remain there, behave as if they sought to maximize their influence, not their security. This Darwinian competition selects in favor of states with expansionist institutions and ideologies. Failing to recognize this phenomenon risks conferring a spurious legitimacy on imperialism. At the same time, neorealists have also committed a fallacy familiar to biologists: assuming that traits enhancing group fitness are selected even when they diminish fitness in intragroup competition. Whereas interstate competition selects in great powers for traits that promote influence-maximization, with the spread of democracy, intrastate competition increasingly selects for security-seeking. Yet the former process sometimes still dominates the latter, above all in authoritarian great powers.
编译 | 张泽宇
审校 | 赖永祯
排版 | 杨语灵
本文源于《国际关系》(Int. Relat.)Vol.38,No.4,2024，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
